#17 - Claire Lehmann on the Internet Century
Balaji Srinivasan 0:00
Claire, welcome to the network city podcast. You’re the editor and
founder of quillette, which was for a while combating, you know, the
craziness on the left now, you actually also combat, to a large extent,
craziness on the right, basically enlightened centrism for a long time.
And you know, we don’t agree on everything. We agree on a lot of things.
Trying to give the quick spiel on Colette and everything you’ve done
over the
Claire Lehmann 0:20
years, sure. Well, thanks for having me on Balaji. It’s a real honor to
be talking with you. So I founded Colette about a decade ago, and at the
time, I was reacting mostly to what I perceived to be increasingly
hyperbolic, sort of left wing narratives, particularly in media that
were untethered to any kind of evidence or statistical reality. So I was
studying psychology at the time, and I had been trained to look at
sociological questions through a quantitative viewpoint. And, you know,
I was reading stuff in media, particularly on the issue of gender, that
was simplistic. I knew was false, and so I just had a reaction. I was
politicized by the early, woke narratives that I saw in media. And doing
a little bit of digging and reading made me realize that in academia,
certain fields had been distorted by political a political drift to the
left. So in my field of psychology, certain sociological, social
psychology questions were sort of inflated in importance, you know, such
as like stereotype bias or implicit bias, that those questions were
inflated and there was not much evidence to support them, whereas other
findings were sort of suppressed, so I became more aware of the fact
that left wing orthodoxy and dogma, particularly around issues of race
and gender, were sort of disfiguring both academia and the media. And so
that motivated me to launch quillette, and it just so happened that it
coincided with the 2016 election of Donald Trump. And so what happened
was, particularly in the United States, a lot of left wing institutions,
and people on the left sort of went insane. And so we had this huge wave
of cancel culture, people being sacked from their jobs in tech
industries. In the tech industry, people being sacked from their jobs or
canceled in academia, in artistic communities, sort of swept through the
culture between 2016 and sort of peaked in 2020 I would say, with the
George Floyd, Floyd riots. And so we sort of have ridden this cultural
wave of increasing wokeness. And we were, we were just early in
criticizing wokeness, I guess you could say, but now that wokeness is
sort of receding slowly. We’re becoming more sensitive to the
illiberalism that is emerging on the right. So that’s been our our
journey. And you know, our values, myself and my editors that I work
with, our values haven’t changed dramatically. We’ve always considered
ourselves small l liberals slash small c conservatives. But we’re
reacting and responding to waves of illiberalism, whether they come from
the left or the right,
Balaji Srinivasan 3:16
yeah, and I do think that they call the right reactionary, because it
reacts. It does move second. And so I do put some blame me, much of the
blame on the left, for creating today’s right, because the reasonable,
you know, like, like the Romney style, reasonable center right kind of
person, or even the Bloomberg Democrat center left, or what have you,
that person was just given a hole in their head, and essentially it was
like a natural selection process of antibiotic resistance to select for
an unreasonable right. And now, of course, that right is unreasonable,
so there you go. That’s happened, unfortunately, many times in history,
and the result is just two things that just start punching each other,
where the left magics into existence, the thing that it constantly
preaches against, and the rights. Like, there’s actually a meme that
talks about this. It’s like all these young kids are told they’re the
bad guys. Are like, I guess I’m the bad guys. And they put on the mask,
and they’re all bad together. You know, that kind of thing, right? So
this happened in, you know, in Europe in the mid 20th century, where
communism led to communism came first, then fascism arose, in part, as a
reaction to communism. And of course, they just punched it out in go
ahead, the
Claire Lehmann 4:30
communists not only described liberals as being fascists. In the 1920s
and 30s, they described slightly watered down communists as fascists.
You know, the extreme left has always demonized their enemies as
fascists, and then they create support for a genuine fascist movement,
and then, you know, lots of people are by that stage. They’re exhausted.
They can’t fight the extreme left anymore. So I would agree with that
analysis.
Balaji Srinivasan 4:59
That’s right. Now the thing about that is, of course, it is an
unreasonable right, and so now you’re caught between. It’s kind of like
in physics, there’s this concept of an induced dipole moment. Do you
know what that is? So basically, when you’ve got, like, an external
electrical field, then you can have, like, you push the charge over to
one side, like the positive charge, and then the negative charges on
this charges on this side. Now suddenly the thing is polarized, right?
And so, like in the presence of an electrical field, this thing can the
polarization that didn’t exist before can now exist, right? And you
know, there’s a there’s all these graphs I can show on, you know, how
it’s in the US in particular, it’s not one country, it’s two parties,
and how only 4% of Democrats married Republicans, and how that’s visible
at the level of congressional votes, and how it’s visible at the level
of social networks, and how it’s actually been coming further apart,
because it used to be that it was basically like one country, red, white
and blue, and now it’s red and blue, and red is in their own social
networks, like truth social and gab and x and, you know, blues and
threads and and blue sky and and Mastodon or what have you, right? And
the thing about that, though, is that actually happened in most of the
world in the 20th century. You know, we’ve talked about that before,
right? Or say, you know, do you want to you can refresh me, sure. So
like in the 20th century, you had South Korea and North Korea, you had
East Germany and West Germany. You had, you know, Hong Kong and Taiwan
on the one hand, and you had the PRC on the other hand. And what people
sort of kind of forget is that both capitalism and actually communism
and actually fascism all arguably originated at least in part, in
America. And there’s something that yarvin has written about, but other
people have written about it. Written about it, like the right version
of it is, or, you know, left wingers correctly say, oh, a lot of
Hitler’s ideas came from the Confederates and from eugenics. And so on
the right will say, well, the progressives were eugenicists too. And the
right will also say, actually, Trotsky raised money in New York, and,
you know, the ideas of communism came out of the west, and they went
east, and they basically were, you know, were exported there. And so the
left says that fascism was due to impart the American right, and the
right says communism was, in part to the American left are actually both
correct. And, of course, capitalism also an American thing. So the
ideologies that the rest of the world fought against were sort of cooked
up in the wet lab that was America, you know, so to speak, those
ideologies in the Koreas, for example, tore that apart the germ. You
know, there’s this really interesting book called, I think, four
Germanys. And I remember actually looking for a book that had to be
written by somebody who was like this. I was like, you know, if you live
in a particular spot in Germany, and you’re long lived enough, you could
have lived through Weimar, Hitler, East Germany, and then democracy
after 1989 right? Like, if you’re long lived enough, you could have made
it all the way through, and you wouldn’t have to be that long lived,
because Weimar was like the 20s, and, you know, by, if you’re 70 ish, 80
ish, you would have, you have done a normal human life. Could have
actually experienced four Germans. And there’s this, uh, this book on
that, right? So the rest of world was sort of just thrashed back and
forth by these sort of ideological currents that emanated in the West.
And now it’s the West itself that is being thrashed by this stuff. And
so, in, in many ways, you know, there’s this concept I have, which is
history is running in reverse, and so all the countries in the, yeah, go
ahead.
Claire Lehmann 8:28
No, I’m familiar with that, that thesis that history is running in
reverse, I would just push back just a little bit on this, on the idea
that the, you know, fascism and communism. I mean, there’s, of course,
there’s some American Connections, you know, Ho Chi, Minh was in New
York and so on. But we can’t forget the influence of the French
Revolution as well, which is, obviously, you know, obviously led
straight, in a straight line, to
Balaji Srinivasan 8:57
communism, yes, but, but the but the architects of the French Revolution
cited the American Revolution as inspiration because France has helped
America. Yeah, right, yeah. So, yeah, it go ahead.
Claire Lehmann 9:09
No, no. You know it’s, I think, I think it’s good to acknowledge the
American influence. But not, not be play, not be like Chomsky and place
America at the center of the universe. You know, you know what I mean,
it’s,
Balaji Srinivasan 9:21
it’s not, it’s, yeah, I know what you’re saying. It’s not mono
factorial. But I do think it’s interesting to because, of course, you
know, French people bear responsibility for the French Revolution. You
know, the Russian Revolution happened in Russia, and all the people
involved with bear responsibility, you know. But it is, it is something
which is like, it is interesting the extent to which a lot of these
ideas that at least in part and to a degree that’s not usually
acknowledged right so that they they originated both far right and far
left in America, that they got exporter of the rest of world. And they
did. They laid waste to huge swaths of the world. And now. The rest of
world has immunity to that herd immunity, in whole or in part, right?
Not completely, but like, Eastern Europe has gone through communism,
right? China’s gone through communism. India has gone through socialism.
They’re all tired of that stuff. There’s kind of, basically, want to do
business. Go ahead.
Claire Lehmann 10:13
Yeah, they’ve got, yeah, they’re tired because they’ve had contact with
reality,
Balaji Srinivasan 10:18
yes, but, you know, it’s funny, I think it’s possible that Australia,
this century is again, as you guys call it the lucky country. You know,
you want my case for Australia. Go for it. So I’m going to make the case
for Australia, and you tell me how wrong I am, or whether it’s an
interesting angle. Okay, because you’ll have local color on this. Okay.
Do you see this post? Like, did you know Australia almost paid off its
national debt? Something I didn’t even know was possible for a Western
government. By right before the financial crisis, the Australian
Government had gotten its debt down to 4.7% of GDP, all the way from
like this crazy number in, you know, World War right after World War
Two, right? It’s all the way down to 4.7% which shows it’s possible.
People don’t think it’s possible. And if you look at this again, this is
2021, right, right after the pandemic. Like Australia and New Zealand
are sort of air gapped relative to, you know, the the rest of the g7
that has significantly higher, you know, gross debt and net debt. And
then this is a percent of GDP. And then if you look at the millionaire
migration map, do you see this chart over here, Australia, New Zealand,
consistently are up there with Singapore and the UAE, for where global
millionaires want to relocate and and that’s kind of like a distributed
diligence, right? Because all these different millionaires are like,
Okay, this is a pretty good place, all things considered, it’s one of
the best in the world to go to. And so what are they doing differently?
And my and you tell me how wrong I am, or maybe, maybe I’m right, which
is my very rough impression. This is from, like, two years ago, that
it’s a bizarre world where the right and left are actually somewhat
effective, so the conservatives actually cut deficits and the Liberals
actually oppose wars law. What a concept
Claire Lehmann 11:58
right? Go ahead. Yeah. No, go. You go on. You go on. Okay,
Balaji Srinivasan 12:02
I’ll make my case, and you tell me I’m wrong. All right. So then I was
like, how do they actually do this? How do they pay their national debt?
They remain a technologically modern western country. They didn’t go to
autocracy or Mad Max. And I was like, how do they actually do this? And
it appears that it’s partly asset sales, like they did sales of the
Sydney Airport and so on and so forth, right? And one of my views is
also that maybe Australia is a little more on the right and New Zealand
more on the left. That’s like a functional left and right within the
Anglo world that continues down under because it’s far away from all the
shooting and craziness of North America. And you know, for example, New
Zealand also, like they tried to constrain inflation with the famous 2%
target. Do you know about that? I’m talking about? No, I don’t. Yeah, go
on. So central banks around the world, in theory, at least try to keep
inflation at 2% why? Because newly New Zealand actually set a number.
Now, actually, inflation arguably should be 0% or even negative because
of you should. Prices should decrease as technology improves. And then
people say, Oh, liquidity trap. And then my response to that is
something called subdivision. But we can go back to that. The point,
though, is that New Zealand pioneered this concept of 2% caps on
inflation, this small country underneath. And even though it’s nominally
on the left, that was actually like a center right policy that got
adopted by the world, right? And so it’s like a functional Anglo world,
is how I think about it. And I’ll be brief basically. What is my case?
Why? Why are these maybe the best run countries in the Anglo world? One
argument for this is that their small size and proximity has result
proximity to China has resulted in a totally different economy than
America. They don’t have illusions of having the strongest military.
Australia doesn’t have illusions of the reserve currency. They just dig
stuff out of the ground and sell to China. So they have a real economy.
And
Claire Lehmann 13:52
yeah, that’s basic. That’s basically it. We just we’re the custodians of
the dirt. We have this big chunk of land which has lots of valuable
resources in them, and we dig them up and there’s, there’s, you know, it
means that we have an unsophisticated economy. We don’t innovate, and we
don’t have a lot of depth when it comes to our tech industry. But it
also means that we have this huge tax revenue base. It also means that
working class, you know, there’s all of this conversation happening in
in the United States about bringing back manufacturing jobs for working
class men. Well, you know, Australia has very high paid jobs for working
class men. They’re in the mines. So we don’t have this sort of
disaffection between, you know, the working there’s not this sense that
the middle class has been hollowed out like I can go up to Queensland
and my cousin who didn’t two cousins who didn’t finish high school or
will be earning more than my cousins who have gone all the way through
university and who have become medical doctors. So there isn’t this
sense of matter. Massive inequality between people who are educated and
who are knowledge workers and the working class, because we have, we
have these huge industries, you know, in regional places, where people
dig up stuff out of the ground.
Balaji Srinivasan 15:11
So that part maybe, maybe that’s, I mean, one way I’ve thought about it
is, in the 20th century, there was an overcorrection towards, you know,
obviously, to communism, socialism in much of the world, including in
China. But the parts that were saved, relatively were those that had
Anglophone influence. So Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan, insofar as
Chiang Kai Shek was certainly funded by the Americans, right? And so the
and, then, of course, the Chinese diaspora, and that’s how sort of the
Chinese world continued. And people knew that, in fact, the fact that it
continued in that way is what led to the reboot of China. Because Deng
Xiaoping, he saw how successful all three of them contributed. He was
scared by how successful, or concerned by how successful Taiwan was
getting. They had a GDP comparable to China. He emulated Singapore’s
strategy of basically building a modern country with Chinese
characteristics. And then he also had Hong Kong right across the border.
And then he built Shenzhen there. So all three of those Chinese islands
of sanity. And of course, the Chinese diaspora was important in terms of
building China’s trade around the world. All four arguably, were
important to rebooting China. And I wonder. And here’s a thesis, and
I’ll give some more data on it if you want. I wonder if that’s history
running in reverse this century, where this century, China’s island of
stability, and America is Grand Theft Auto. It’s American anarchy, all
the shooting and all the shouting, all the First Amendment and the
Second Amendment, the shouting and the shooting. And of course, you
know, the thing is, of course, I’m supportive of the First Amendment,
the Second Amendment, but they’re meant for virtuous people that have
self discipline, right, and not people who are just screaming
obscenities at each other and, you know, blasting each other on the
street. And it’s like you have rights, but you have responsibilities,
and maybe there’s no responsibility. And so therefore, you know, the
right is just this abstract kind of thing. And so it doesn’t necessarily
lead to a good society, you know, like, if people are migrating to
countries that they don’t have a First Amendment or second amendment,
they’re voting with their feet against at least how that’s being
implemented in practice. And of course, because it’s so sacrosanct,
it’ll never go away. And so which is fine, but then you’re gonna have
like, a shooting gallery and a shouting gallery. So maybe the Anglo
world has just over indexed on individual freedom to level of anarchy.
And that’s the thing that everybody’s shouting about. We actually want,
is when anarchy is access, you want order. And so the parts of the
Anglophone world, like China or the like, like Australia and Singapore
and in New Zealand, those are the ones that have some Sonic influence,
where there’s Chinese trade, or Chinese mining or Chinese exports, which
keeps a sort of pragmatic level head on their shoulders relative to the
craziness of where North America is going. Let me know if you, if you
agree with that, disagree with that. That’s a thesis. I’m not endorsing
it, not disagreement. That’s the thesis that I’ve contemplated. I
Claire Lehmann 18:01
think it’s an interesting thesis. I would just add some anecdotal
experience that could be one data point to support it. I mean, it’s too
big a thesis for me to really say yes or no that I agree with it, but at
least where I live in Sydney, we have a very strong migrant influence
and migrant population in the education system, which makes the
education, our education system, our selective schools and universities,
more competitive, at least at the at the level where your your children
are going through School. I mean, in the universities, there’s issues
with lots of international students, and there’s some concerns that
standards have lowered. But at least in the selective schools that I’m
familiar with in Sydney, there’s intense pressure. So there’s a lot of
pressure to succeed. You know, these kids who come from migrant families
we have, you know, the product of Tiger parents, and so we have, you
know, at least where I live in Sydney, that it’s a tiger parent culture,
like heavy investment in your children’s education, and it flows on to
the Anglo parents as well. So, I mean, that could be one aspect of this
influence that you’re describing that can be beneficial. I mean, some
people complain about it, but there’s also this benefit to it, which
means that, you know, there’s no, you know, when Vivec did that
tweet,
Balaji Srinivasan 19:31
yes, where he was famous street? Yes, let’s talk about Vivek Street.
Yeah, go ahead.
Claire Lehmann 19:36
I was just going to say, well, that’s if you live in Sydney, in a fairly
affluent area, like there’s no escaping that reality, and you just have
to compete in that environment. You have to, you know, your kids are
competing with the kids of Tiger parents, and if they’re not studying
hard, and if they’re not excelling, then they don’t, you know, they’re
not in, not in the race. So I. Think there’s a little bit more
acceptance of the reality here in Australia, simply because, you know,
we’re a smaller population, and we realize that we do have to compete.
And, you know, there is, you know, we can’t just shut ourselves off from
the world. That’s my perception. Anyway, it might be. It might other
Australians might have a different, a different perspective,
Balaji Srinivasan 20:21
yeah. So I want to, I would actually put the I haven’t actually
discussed the vague tweet. So I want to actually, so this one, so you
know the vague tweet from December 2720 24 right. So the thing about
this is, first of all, Germany views this got,
Claire Lehmann 20:37
I can see from, from looking at 121 100 120 120
Balaji Srinivasan 20:43
million is a lot, but it’s enormous. For X, it basically means, like,
essentially, almost, it’s like half the platform saw it. It’s like it
was absolutely massive, right? And like, to just, just to level set.
There are many, many calls to murder on X that get far less outraged
than this call to study, okay, so like, this absolutely hit a nerve.
People freaked out. And the funny thing is, you know, when I read this,
at first, I’m like, this is just like what any Asian or Indian parent
would tell their kids, it’s like, it’s the most bog standard lecture
I’ve ever heard, you know, and but, but I think that people freaked out
about it for several overlapping reasons. The first is maybe the
obvious, which is that during so when Vic came on the scene in early
2020, I mean, he had been around before. And, you know, I like the Vic,
just, you know, full disclosure, I like Vic, but I don’t agree with him
on everything. But, you know, I think we’re friendly. When Vic came on
the scene, he hit the window right as Elon was opening up, x right? Like
late 2022, early 2023, and he’s basically just saying obvious things
like XX and XY chromosomes are real, that kind of stuff, right?
Meritocracy is good. Meritocracy is good, exactly. And the thing is that
because he was, you know, frankly, it was like personal color, dark
skin, whatever he could say things that a white guy on the right would
get hit for. And so that was an important kind of thing in 2023 and up
to the election of November 2024 but then by December 2024 what happened
was two things happened. First, at the beginning of December, you had
all left on X just went on moss to blue sky, so like 20 million people,
or some crazy number like that, right, which meant that now the spectrum
on x had the deleted, the left part was deleted. So now the center was
the left and the right was like, you know, the right. So the center of
arguing for a racial global meritocracy became the left and the open
borders left at the most right. So suddenly, unbeknownst to anybody,
that the entire political spectrum has shifted 3040, points over to the
right, and the exact same words that would have would have seemed center
right, or even right two months earlier, now, seemed like they were on
the left because they were coming now to the left of a big chunk in X.
Does that make any sense? Should I draw that? It’s like,
Claire Lehmann 23:10
no. It makes perfect sense. It makes perfect sense. And you predicted
that would happen. I remember a conversation with you saying, and you
said, people like me, the sort of center right will be the left soon,
because the whole Overton window is going to shift. It’s
Balaji Srinivasan 23:28
all going to shift. And so, yeah, exactly. I consider myself center
maybe center right in this context, I’d certainly be center left,
perhaps in a Chinese context, so and probably dead center, I would say,
globally. So a was just that backdrop meant that something that was
considered center right, or even right was suddenly on the left number
one. That kind of same kind of statements B was, now that the election
was over, a lot of white guys on the right didn’t feel the need for a
proxy to speak for them saying the things that they wanted to say, they
would just say it themselves. They’d yell it, they scream it. Okay. So
they got on the wrong side of that C is, up to that point, they could
basically spoken in a sense, you know, for like, you know, the right or
for mag and so on. And in this context, I don’t think he was doing that.
It seemed like, oh, he was speaking for Indians, or he was speaking for
immigrants, or he’s speaking for this so it seemed like, Oh, my God, he
now, he now, he sounds like an ethnic activist, people pattern match. I
don’t think that was the case. I think he was actually speaking for
merit, but that’s, that’s what it was, D, and this was another aspect of
it, the you know, the show references he brought up were like, Saved by
the Bell and stuff like that. And the problem with that is, and I’m not
trying to be over quick, but I’m just explaining now, while the dust has
settled, why people got mad, and what I think was correct about it was
what, um, that was like the last functional era of America, like the
90s, right? And so saying that that was a bad era that you know went
wrong. However, had he said only fans culture, me too, if you. Had said
that then he would have very little argument in terms of the baseline, I
think, where he was arguing from, right. And then the next aspect is,
and this was something that I had to struggle to put into words at
first, and then I realized what I was looking at, until, roughly, I
think, after the 2024 election, I had never before seen a critical mass
of white Americans really feel emotionally that the world was their
their competition, rather than their market. Because, like all of the
guys who I’ve ever worked with in Tech have basically been like, yeah,
it’s this one. There we go. Yeah, yeah, yeah. So this is honestly like,
these are, these are all the tech CEOs and tech guys, frankly, that I
worked with, right? Yeah, they were like, until, literally 2024 just
about every guy who had ever worked with at Stanford, at in venture in
startups, in tech like, you know, I grant, of course, that’s a select
sample of people, but I never, I mean, the discussion was, okay, after
we win in the US, how do we expand into Turkey? How do we open up Japan?
Right? We’re gonna need to recruit a Japanese person over there, or what
have you, right? We literally had, and many companies I’ve had, we’ve
had the global expansion prioritization, and we think about what markets
to move into, and so on and so
Claire Lehmann 26:18
forth, right? There’s a positive sum attitude. It’s a positive attitude
of
Balaji Srinivasan 26:23
someone who feels they can win in the game of Global Capitalism, right?
And the completely new thing to me was, um, that like, and I heard this
not simply from people on x, but I heard this actually, to my surprise,
from people who I knew were globally competitive in tech, and they
started sounding like whiny and like, beaten in their heads and and,
like, for example, one guy who’s, like, a nice guy, and, you know, he
was like, he’s like, Oh, you, you Indians are very, you know, connected,
and you have ethnic nepotism and so and so forth. I’m like, what you
want? You want to do a diversity report on the company, like, because
that’s literally what it’s like. How would you quantify that? He’s like,
Oh, you’re hiring more of your own people. I’m like, how is that not
exactly like saying white privilege and you’re hiring only white people
and whatnot, right? And he just, he hadn’t thought of it that way. But
I’m like, you know, every the flip side of that, by the way, is if you
have any affinity group of any kind to get somebody to take a risk on a
company in an early stage, or any company, it’s going to be enriched for
people from your own social group of whatever that is. And especially a
first gen immigrant doesn’t know that many people within the country. So
you’re going to get other people you know, who know them, who will take
a risk to work for the business. And then by the time you get to second
or third generation, people assimilate. And that’s what assimilate, and
that’s what happened to Italians and poles or what have you. So it’s a
very reasonable explanation for all that, but the macro of it wasn’t
even so much specifics of that. It was just that they actually felt that
these, like, relatively new arrival Indian people were, like, more were
more connected than they were. And I was just scratching my head. I was
like, you know, when I grew up, I didn’t know anybody, right? I was the
least connected. I was just like, the most nerdy, like, like, like, it
was a graph with zero connections, literally zero. Yeah, yeah, right,
yeah. And, and I was like, I, you know, what I realized, and maybe,
like, your thoughts of this is, like, what wokeness did to a generation
or a group of people is, even if they like, reacted with sort of the
opposite of woke at the at the surface level, they sort of internalized
certain patterns which were like emotional and histrionic whining.
Basically feel it like learned helplessness, right? The softer got
messed up. Go ahead. Let me, let me. Let me, let me, let me know your
thoughts. Because you may be, you may thinking some of things
Claire Lehmann 28:44
I completely agree with, the internalization of the victimhood culture.
That’s definitely a thing
Balaji Srinivasan 28:50
on the right to now. That’s crazy. Yeah,
Claire Lehmann 28:53
absolutely, I think, I think what you’re touching on, though, with the
observation with two and the reaction to the Vex tweet and the
observation of you know, people that you know, is there’s something
really deep going on. And one of the more interesting analyzes I’ve read
has actually been in quillette. You might be familiar with Andrew
Roberts, who’s a British historian who has chronicled Winston Churchill.
I think he’s probably Winston Churchill’s most celebrated biographer.
Anyway, he he has written a couple of pieces for us. They’re just short
pieces, just about the decline of the British Empire. And he says that
the British Empire, the culture, went through phases. He likens it to
phases of grief. So a few years ago, I think it was 2021, he wrote a
piece for us. You know, this is before Putin invaded Ukraine. This was
just that, you know, COVID. Was happening, but he said that Americans
are currently in the denial phase. I think it may have been after
Biden’s withdrawal from Afghanistan. He was saying America is in the
denial phase of its declining empire. And I thought it was a bit, you
know, it was a provocative argument at the time, but I see it now, like
I see what he’s saying now. You know, the years have gone on, and I can
see, I can see the denial. And you know, when people are in denial, they
will have cognitive dissonance, so they’ll react strongly to evidence of
the of whatever it is that they’re denying. So if people are in denial
that China is becoming a superpower or the biggest superpower in the
world, and if they’re in denial about America’s declining global
hegemony, then any evidence that is in support of that thesis is going
to cause cognitive dissonance, and people will react against that to
keep the denial going. But now we, you know, Andrew Roberts read a
follow up piece, and he’s, he’s arguing that Trump is speeding up this
phase. You know, it’s pretty clear now with the, you know, the trade war
that we’re entering into the negotiation phase. What’s it? What’s the
title of that one? That would probably be America’s grief cycle that was
published a couple of weeks ago?
Balaji Srinivasan 31:28
Oh, the negotiation phase. Good, good.
Claire Lehmann 31:31
It’s a it’s a metaphor.
Balaji Srinivasan 31:33
Maybe Should I do a podcast with Andrew? Yeah, agree a lot. Yeah,
Claire Lehmann 31:37
it’s, it’s a metaphor, and it’s a provocative one, but, you know, I
think, I think it’s, I think when you get, when you’re getting these
sort of irrational emotional responses from people, you can understand
it. It helps to understand it through this context, like there is a
people agree, you know, there’s this you have to come to terms with the
fact that the American Empire is dying at some point and it and it will
cause grief. And how you deal with that grief is going, you know, you
will go through phases, like I’ve had to go through stages of grief
myself about it, and I’m not even American.
Balaji Srinivasan 32:17
Well, it’s funny. You say that because it’s true. Like when I was
writing the network state book, there’s actually a paragraph that I
deleted because it brought a manly tear to my eye, and it was
essentially about, like, the metaphor of Uncle Sam as like a beloved,
you know, elder who’s passing away and, you know, he’s passing away, and
he’s not going to always be there, and need to prepare for the prepare
for the next step. And then a bunch of people are like, Why do you want
grandpa to die? Like, I don’t want grandpa to die and, you know, but
he’s not going to be around forever. And I can look at all these signs
of incipient this and that, and then they don’t want to plan for it at
all, right? They want to be in denial about it. And they want to say
that, you saying it is like a bad omen, and it’s demoralizing. It’ll
further and speed it up, and so and so forth and and I get that. I
actually do get that sometimes
Claire Lehmann 33:07
I look at the look at history through the lens of art, and how much you
can sort of see how confident a culture is by their output of art. And
I’ve been thinking for a long time that the exhaustion of Hollywood, you
know, with all of their remakes, they can’t come up with anything
original. There are, there are no there’s very few new hero movies that
really, truly depict a new sort of, you know, the hero journey in it in
an original and new way. I mean, there’s still good stuff being made,
and there’s, there’s some great stuff being made for TV, but it doesn’t
it’s not like it was in the 90s, where there was just dozens and dozens
of classic films coming out from Hollywood. And so as an Australian, you
grow up on American culture. You’re sort of marinated in American
culture, and you develop a very strong sympathy and alliance with the
nation that you’ve never even fit like I didn’t visit the United States
until I was in my 30s, but I had grown up on American culture, and
that’s soft power. So the American American culture has had that impact
globally, for general, you know, for a couple of generations, at least,
but it’s now receding. And the woke stuff has a lot to do with why it’s
receding, because people look at the insane. You know, most people
aren’t woke, and people are looking at the insan insanity, and you know,
the trans stuff, the hyper, you know, the focus on racial politics, the
erosion of meritocracy, and so there’s the feeling of Alliance or
sympathy with American culture is sort of eroded, and it erodes
gradually over time. And then when you’ve got this lack of cultural
confidence coming through with, you know, fewer great films being. A
fewer, like, less music coming out. That’s, you know, getting kids
excited, like it all. It’s like a tide going back out to sea, like you
just you feel less connected to this culture that you once grew up on.
And, you know, and I think it does tie in with, like, the lack of
confidence ties in with military defeat. So, you know, you’ve got the
loss in Vietnam, Afghanistan. I’d
Balaji Srinivasan 35:26
say that’s taking it back too far, because the win in the Cold War felt,
felt like it. But go ahead. Yeah, I agree.
Claire Lehmann 35:33
True, true. But you know, the the Vietnam war dragged on for very long
time. You know you could, you could argue it was the first salvo in in
in ongoing conflict between China and the United States. That’s
Balaji Srinivasan 35:47
interesting. I would not I, because I think there was such a
discontinuity in 1978 in China due to, like Deng Xiaoping taking over
China. But, um, but I do agree that basically that was like the idea for
Vietnam, and then they’ve rebooted and so on since then, um, I want to
respond to something. Actually, I want to. There’s a few loops from
here, right? So first is to add to your point on stuck Hollywood, right?
You know, clothes have become relatively constant, like you can’t point
maybe, maybe, you know, somebody who’s a real fashionista could do it.
But to point to the styles of the zeros versus the 2010s versus 2010 ns,
the one thing that’s really very obvious, maybe, is like the rise in
tattoos, right? But, but otherwise you wouldn’t be able to it wouldn’t
be like grunge of the 90s, or like, you know, big hair of the 80s, not
some standout kind of thing. And the reason, I think, is that fashion or
things, all of the innovation and cultures move to the internet, because
you can instantly tell a 90s website, 2000 website, 2010s 2020s you can
tell AI art that’s genuinely new. AI like, whether you like it or not,
it’s genuinely a new thing in the 2020s that is the visually distinct
characteristic of this, you know, and it’s literally, when you think
about what you’re looking at, what’s changing rapidly is what’s on the
screen, and America is becoming a museum. Like, for example, we don’t go
ahead.
Claire Lehmann 37:09
No, no, that’s just the fun. That’s a funny play on the description of
Europe that we often,
Balaji Srinivasan 37:14
yes, that’s my point. Exactly. You got it right. Because we don’t think
of like, you know, obviously there’s French entrepreneurs, and I’m not,
there’s actually a lot of great things happening in Europe. I’m not
being Europe. I’m not beating up on Europe, but you don’t think of like
French culture as constantly dynamic and evolving and what have there’s
like the baguette, and there’s like the Eiffel Tower and the louver and,
you know, Arc de Triomphe and whatever, right? Go ahead. No,
Claire Lehmann 37:37
no, no, I get what you’re saying. Yeah, it’s, it’s sort of stuck in a
moment of time
Balaji Srinivasan 37:41
exactly. So, like, American culture got stuck, because, in my view, the
version 3.0 there’s Britain, then America, then the internet. Like the
internet is to America, but America was to Britain. And that’s a deep
thing, and there’s a lot I can say about that, but that means that all
of all of the everything has gotten uploaded, right? So, for example,
how much of your communication do you do on the internet? All of right?
How about your transactions? Basically all of it, right? And how about
your friends? How about you know, everything is and so what is America
minus the internet? Physical America by itself, is like baseball and hot
dogs and and so on and so forth. Whenever anybody defends and says, Oh,
the US is still doing great, they’re always pointing to the tech
companies. I
Claire Lehmann 38:26
think that’s right. I think that’s really interesting. And you can kind
of see it like the, you know, the public infrastructure is not up to
date. Obviously, you know, if you ride the subway in New York, it’s like
100 years old. You know, it’s, it is, it is not just a museum. It’s in
decay.
Balaji Srinivasan 38:46
The reason for that, I think, is so so from some earlier threads, um,
you know, this is a graph that I think is very important, related to the
grief thing that we were talking about earlier, right? This a graph that
is super important for at least my mental model of the world. Okay,
right? So, essentially, what this is saying is basically that for 1000s
of years, the economic geo center of the world was basically in, you
know, Eurasia. And to be clear, that doesn’t mean like the, you know,
the economic center was literally in Afghanistan, or whatever, or, you
know, this, this, this re This is Iran, this is Pakistan, Afghanistan. I
think it’s not saying it was literally here. What it’s saying is, if you
took the average of Indian economic strength and and Chinese economic
strength of Middle Eastern European and you weighted them the centers,
you’d get something around here, right? So it’s basically Eurasian. And
that makes sense, because the Mongols were able to invade Europe. And,
you know, like Islam was able to invade Europe, and vice versa. There’s
some degree of balance. And Marco Polo, where’d he seek out? He sought
out China, and Columbus risked his life to come to India, right? So,
clearly, there was stuff happening, you know, east of the Caucasus,
right? But then with the. Industrial Revolution, Europe just got way
ahead of everybody else, right? And the center of the global economy
rocketed out to Europe. And basically Europe was just the center of
everything, and nobody else mattered. And then they started beating the
crap out of each other with World War One and World War Two. And 1950
was basically peak Westernization, peak centralization. And this is
basically the time when everybody else was bombed to smithereens. China
was communist, India was socialist, Russia was communist, Japan was
atomic bombed. And this is also the moment that all these post war
institutions were set up. We literally called them post war
institutions. They were set up at the time of peak America ever right?
The only other time you can argue might be 1991 right, when there wasn’t
even a Soviet Union around. But this period is like peak America. And
the problem is that people are calibrated on the all time, all human
history, high as being the normal. Yeah, right, yeah, and that, and
that’s the issue. The issue is they think this is normal, that complete
and total global American dominance is normal when it’s incredibly
historically abnormal,
Claire Lehmann 41:09
even on a socio sociological level, it was an abnormal decade, like
people look at family formation in the 1950s but people got married very
young in the 1950s compared to the the historical norm of Western
society. So like in the 18th and 19th centuries in Western Europe, in
England, women wouldn’t get married until their late 20s. They weren’t
getting married at the age of 21 it was quite an unusual late age of
marriage for women, and birth rates were actually slowly but gradually
coming down in the West as well. The baby boom generation was a massive
outlier, and there are various different reasons for that. But you know,
in in Australia, at least, and I pretty sure in America as well, the
gov, because of World War Two, the government’s thought, well, these
young men are coming back from war. We’ve got to build a lot of housing.
We’ve got to give them a house. And so there was this massive public
investment into housing infrastructure, and it enabled couples to marry
young and start having babies Young. Women started having babies young.
So we get the baby boom generation. But that was a historical anomaly.
It wasn’t. We haven’t like birth rates were trending down. We haven’t
this idea that the 1950s was sort of like it was a strange generation
for many, for many reach, for many reasons, not just the fact that, you
know, it was peak American empire, and also for like technological
reasons, you’ve got The proliferation of household appliances. You’ve
got washing machines, dryers, toasters, vacuum cleaners, like we forget
how much technology was invented in the late 19th century and then the
first half of the 20th century, and how it changed people’s lives.
Balaji Srinivasan 43:18
So here is my thesis on this, in a nutshell, is, if you look at the 20th
century, technology favored centralization, and so every country,
basically, all kinds of Geiger states arose, right? China, modern India,
the Soviet Union, the USA Giga states that just had the scale to beat
the heck out of their rivals, right? This is something that Orville also
talked about Eurasia and East Asia. He was observing the trend towards
bigness, right? Because you had mass media and mass production and just
extreme centralization technology drove that. And never argue with the
man who buys ink by the barrel, and you can’t fight city hall and so on
and so forth, right? And the peak of that was basically, like, in many
senses, you know, yeah, the Soviet Union had 100% marginal taxation, but
America had 90% right? So you could not get rich mid century in America,
you could serve your country, and it was the most free in the world, but
it was still 90% marginal taxation, right? And so at the same time, by
the way, you know, in the Soviet Union, do you know they had a
childlessness tax? I didn’t know that. I didn’t, yeah, so the Soviet
Union was way more conservative than we think socially, right? Here the
bachelor tax, because after World War Two, they’re like, you know, you
need to have kids,
Claire Lehmann 44:39
right? I was just familiar with Lenin introducing abortion? Yeah,
Balaji Srinivasan 44:44
yes. So this is when it started going reverse, right, right? Stalin
encouraged adult people to reproduce increasing because they had lost so
many, lost 10s of millions of people in World War Two. They’re like, you
have to It was symbolic, but it was like a status thing. And most
childless, married women and. And, you know, essentially the point was,
I mean, in many ways, in the Soviet Union, your money was more like your
allowance, but it’s like a social penalty, right? For not doing it. What
was my point? My point is that mid century America was way more
communist than we think of it, and mid century Soviet Union was way more
socially conservative than we think about it like those were actually
not just me, right? Okay, so, so now we’ve moved totally in a different
direction. And the problem is, everybody is in the in America is
anchored on 1950 and in fact, the world, in a weird way, is anchored on
America in 1950 and they’ve because they haven’t, I mean, unless they’re
in China or in some other country, they haven’t been told really, that
many stories of what their life was like at that time. India now has
some stories about partition, right? China has some stories about, like,
you know, the Chinese Civil War, or at least the Korean War, where the
Chinese soldiers were, you know, like, I mean, they were fighting on the
North Korean side. But, you know, they’re portrayed as heroes in China.
But most the world doesn’t really have that many good movies about how
horrible their 20th Century was. Let me pause there. Go ahead,
Claire Lehmann 46:05
yeah, that’s an interesting point. I hadn’t thought of that. You know,
it speaks to the power, the power of America’s export culture, how, just
how influential it has been.
Balaji Srinivasan 46:16
Yes, and actually, you know, it’s funny is, I’m going to show a graph
here, which is kind of like that most countries in the world actually
had, like, negative 100% returns, not most, like many countries had
negative 100% returns in the 20th century. And Australia, Canada and
America are the only three that like escaped, that Australia is actually
the real lucky country, US, Canada, Australia escaped, but Russia,
negative 100% China over this window. Negative 100% Germany, negative
100%
Claire Lehmann 46:47
it’s not over the whole it’s not over the whole century. I was like,
what? But I get 20 year window. Yeah,
Balaji Srinivasan 46:54
yes. So the point is, basically, what people don’t understand is, like,
this was a rebuttal to so this guy had a reasonable post. I wasn’t
attacking him, but is this post by like Vanguard, which basically said
the stock market always goes up, like, persist, followers, right? Yeah.
And so this post by Vanguard basically says the stock market always goes
up, and, you know, if you sell, you lose money. But the two problems
that are right, so a The reason it goes up as a Fed prince, and that
can’t, can’t do that forever. And B, it is like essentially betting on a
trend to continue indefinitely, which is the surest way to lose your
shirt,
Claire Lehmann 47:29
right? Yeah, doesn’t account for tail, long tail events, correct?
Right?
Balaji Srinivasan 47:34
So the reason I say this is the US is anchored on a story of the past,
which is an illusion, and that story is something like, oh, what’s the
normal way of the world is supposed to be that a guy with a high school
degree can have a house and two kids and, you know? And that is
neglecting the fact that somebody who’s much smarter and harder working
in Poland or Vietnam or something like that was like, starving to death,
right? Or getting shot in war or under communism, and now that person is
actually competing in the global economy.
Claire Lehmann 48:08
You know, it’s kind of ironic, because we could, we can use the sort of
the woke language here and describe that perspective as being
privileged. You know,
Balaji Srinivasan 48:19
yes, that’s right. It’s funny, haha. I want to ask about, what are the
plans for Colette? What are you doing? You turned into, like, a
subscription only thing, or something like that. Is that, right?
Claire Lehmann 48:30
Well, our business model is, is based on subscription. So we’re putting
more stuff behind paywalls, but not everything’s behind a paywall. So if
you go to our front page now, everything should be open. We’ll, we’ll
put stuff behind paywalls only after, Oh, that’s great, a few days.
Balaji Srinivasan 48:45
Okay, so support is open again, yeah, yeah. We’ve, we’ve
Claire Lehmann 48:49
been open. We’re always open. It’s we will put up paywalls after a
couple of days. And sometimes people will land on our page and discover
a paywall. But it’s not actually a paywall. It’s just asking people to
put in their email address so we can send them a newsletter, but it’s
free, so and our YouTube channel is completely free, and we’re putting a
lot of stuff up on YouTube, some stuff that doesn’t go on the website.
So I encourage any of your listeners to check out our YouTube, I’m
finding that a lot of people actually like listening to narrated
versions of our articles. So do you have a thesis on that? Well, I mean,
I have a negative thesis, which is that we’re moving into a post
literate society, which is not great, but there’s just a bigger there’s
just a bigger market for audio and video. People don’t like to read. And
the truth is, I listen to a lot of audio myself when I’m doing
housework, you know, when I’m doing stuff. So if I’m commuting or I’m
doing chores, I like to listen to interesting podcasts. And I think
that’s a you know. A reasonable substitute, because you can’t be reading
all of the time. But I do think it’s sad that people are reading less,
and reading is sort of becoming a marker of elite status, in a way. I
mean, I guess it always was,
Balaji Srinivasan 50:16
I guess it always was right. You know, there’s a theory that the mass
literacy of the 20th century. Like, why were the Soviets so into that?
Because otherwise people couldn’t read
Claire Lehmann 50:26
their propaganda. Yeah, yeah, right, interesting, right.
Balaji Srinivasan 50:29
Like, so it was almost like a port in their head. They could install
Bolshevik propaganda or whatever into, you know. So otherwise, why were
they doing it? You know, they were really into mass literacy so you
could read Pravda, right? Know what the party line was, right? Yeah. But
my theory is a, there’s technological drive, obviously, which is air
pods, plus 5g plus good phones, plus also the pandemic shock. You know,
many people did this. B is what I don’t know. And I made some data on
this. Is it a compliment, or is it a? Is it a replacement, right? That
say, Are you are people reading and then they’re also listening while
they’re walking or on the treadmill or doing chores or driving or
sleeping like, you know, they get, you know, someone to read them to
sleep effectively. Or is it literally something, where rather, because,
I mean, just sitting and reading something is so much faster than
listening, at least for you and me, right? Yeah, that’s why it took me a
while to appreciate that people actually wanted this read to them. You
know, go ahead,
Claire Lehmann 51:27
exactly every podcast we do gets about 30,000 downloads. If we have a
video that does well on YouTube, it will have get over 100,000 views.
Our top performing essays. We do get essays that get over 100,000 views,
but that they’re rare. We’d only have a handful of those. We’d have many
more videos that get that many views than we do essays. It’s much easier
for a video to get 100,000 views than it is to get an essay that many
views, and so there’s just a bigger audience for audio and video, and it
took me years to figure this out, because I have a very strong
preference for Text and Reading, because I can, I am a fast reader, but
I find with listening to podcasts like you know, people aren’t precise
with their language, because everything is just spoken. When you’re
writing an essay, you have to be very careful with the words that you
use and be careful about the facts that you’re introducing into your
essay. So you go and check and it’s a much more so when you’re reading
an essay, it’s a much more refined piece of work, and you can you know
the your ability to absorb information that is correct, or which has
been edited and vetted is, you know, for me, the return on investment is
so much higher when it comes to reading that it took me a really long
time to understand that audio and video is the way of the future, and
that we need to be leaning into those mediums. But now that we have, I’m
really happy because we’re reaching a bigger audience. YouTube is our
fastest growing vertical. Well,
Balaji Srinivasan 53:04
okay, so now on Colette itself, actually a couple of things I wanted to
ask you, since you’re actually one of the very first, you know, really
online media creators, really doing an independent thing. There’s a lot
more folks who are doing sub stack, like things and so on now, but you
were one the first. Do you do? Like, you know, how are you thinking
about your mix of energy on Collette meetups, versus subscribers versus,
like, digital versus physical, because that’s something I think a lot
about, obviously, is like, bring digital communities into the physical
world. Like, is there, would there be a Collette Ville or something in
in Claire’s future, like the Colette community, you know, with a queue
in in Queensland? Maybe, I don’t know.
Claire Lehmann 53:41
Yeah, we’ve been hosting events in cities around the world over the
years, and they’re there. They are a lot of fun, and we get a lot out of
them. I over, you know, if I’m doing too many events, though, I
personally I get quite exhausted, because I get so many people coming up
to me and trying to talk to me, and it can be a bit overwhelming, but I
think if we focus more on hosting events where people can just meet each
other, and I, you know, I or my colleagues, don’t have to be active
participants as much,
Balaji Srinivasan 54:14
you know, I have, one of the things I was a little surprised by was The
relatively less overlap than I had thought between Colette and tech,
given that a fair number of tech people did, especially in the early
days, read Colette a lot and and yet your community is more letters than
numbers. Is that right? Yeah, yeah, that’s right, yeah. And is it? Is
it, you know how Australia, is it, or is it just global Anglophone or,
you know, it’s
Claire Lehmann 54:43
definitely global Anglosphere. So it’s, we’re only 4% Australian, only
4% Yeah, the event that’s probably above, yeah, the events that we have
here are pretty big and are always sold out. You know, we can. Easily.
Just fill out a, you know, a big event space, you know, within a week or
so. So our biggest, so 50% of our audience is in the United States,
about 12% is in Canada, 14% in the UK. So we’re spread out over the
Anglosphere.
Balaji Srinivasan 55:18
That’s, I’m actually a little surprised by that you have because Canada
is about the same size as Australia. Maybe what it is is the political
radicalism. Maybe this is a diagnosis of what we were talking about
earlier. The political radicalism that we were talking about is actually
more of a problem outside Australia than within
Claire Lehmann 55:33
it. Australia is not a very polarized we don’t have a very polarized
political environment. It’s
Balaji Srinivasan 55:40
if anything my piece is getting proven, go ahead. If
Claire Lehmann 55:43
anything, our problem is the opposite of polarization that we have. We
have broad scale apathy, political apathy. People do not care about
politics. They don’t want to know about politics. It’s good, but it’s
also bad, because then people just start, you know, they they’re not
familiar with policies they’re voting for because we have compulsory
voting.
Balaji Srinivasan 56:04
I sort of a feeling, you know, sometimes there’s like countries that are
in ideological superposition, then a rubber band snaps, and they just go
all the way in this direction. And I think what happened with the before
the tariffs, Australia was sort of caught between China and America, and
there was like aukus, which is basically, in my view, fake. You know,
I’m talking about aukus. As soon as office was announced, I knew it was
fake. Yeah, give me your thoughts on aukus. I’ll tell you why I think
it’s fake. I
Claire Lehmann 56:28
can understand why someone would think it is fake, because we don’t.
We’re meant to be giving over $300 billion to the United States to build
us some nuclear powered submarines. And I mean, it’d be great. It’d be
absolutely great to have some nuclear powered submarines. I wish we
already had them. But the, you know, the time frame is very stretched
out. We can’t necessarily rely we I don’t think Australians feel
confident anymore that the United States is going to be a a reliable
defense partner. I mean, we are historically incredibly intertwined with
the United States when it comes to defense. And we have a very important
military base in the outback called Pine Gap, which has is a very
important signals directory, connected to satellites and so on. So we
have this long history, but given the extreme political dysfunction in
the United States and how, seemingly how domestic politics is now
shaping foreign policy, which wasn’t the case for generations. You know,
foreign policy was sort of separate from domestic, internal squabbles in
the United States. But now that that foreign policy is being dictated by
domestic issues, we can’t, you know, we can’t. We don’t know what the
United States is going to be doing in 20 years from now. We can’t tie
our long term strategic defense,
Balaji Srinivasan 58:02
you know, yeah, exactly. Like, exactly. So when I, when I saw the aukus,
here’s, here’s just my outsider perspective. As soon as I saw this thing
announced, this is like, during the Biden administration, I was like,
Okay, well, first of all, aukus is not the quad, because you can argue
maybe the quad, the quad, at least, has Australia, India, Japan and the
US, which are India and Japan, have a legitimate, real security
interest, because China borders them, and they’ve had issues with China
in the past. Australia is okay. Maybe bringing the UK into it, which is
all the other side of the world and hasn’t been an Asian power since the
handover of Hong Kong, is just silly. Number one, it’s not a world. It’s
not even a domestic power. It’s not even like, arguably, number one,
number two is like, the whole point of like, any military, anything is
you need, like, replenishment rate. If it takes you 20 years and 400 300
something billion dollars to build, like, three to five subs, and they
could get sunk in 10 minutes. That is like, that is like, the dumbest
thing I’ve ever heard, right? That’s like, so obviously dumb. And
moreover, it’s like, obviously China has now the largest Navy in the
world, the fastest ship building. So all Australia did was they spent
hundreds of billions of dollars to piss off China. They didn’t even buy
the submarines. They basically, like, you know, paid a political and
economic cost, kind of being in the middle here, or what have you. And I
was just like, this makes absolutely, I mean, you know, there’s gonna be
a war with China in 2027 Okay, Australia gets your first sub in 2039
what doesn’t make any sense at all, right? So the whole thing just
struck me as very dumb. It was, it was, it was like paying huge amounts
of money for, like cavalry in 1912 and it’s going to arrive in 1932
something like that, right? And, of course, World War Two is just. World
War One is just, right? If there was a World War, I actually think, you
know, can I tell you a feature of the terrorist rather than a bug? Sure,
this, you know, look, nothing’s 100% it’s a volatile world all kind.
Crazy things may happen, but I think there’s a possibility that this was
virtualized world war three, and the US just lost, and it’s just like,
go ahead.
Claire Lehmann 1:00:11
Well that yeah, that would be, that would be a positive interpretation,
rather than it being the start of World War Three. Yeah,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:00:20
yeah. And so, so here is the argument on that, right. Basically, first
is, you know, the whole two cities trap argument,
Claire Lehmann 1:00:27
yeah, but it’s really, it’s interpreted in so many different contexts
that sometimes I’m not, I’m not sure how it, how it, okay, sort of
applies. But, yeah, fine,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:00:37
sure. So, like, the, the, this is Graham Allison article. We can put
that on screen from, like, from, I think, mid decade, which said China
and the US are both rising. Are they destined for war and so on so
forth, right? And I actually think the acidities trap has actually
already happened. It was called Ukraine, where Ukraine was a US proxy
and Russia was a China proxy, effectively, even though most people don’t
think of it that way. But Russia is only on its feet because China,
like, at least, supplied it with stuff, right? It wouldn’t sanction by
the world. In fact, 80% of the world did not sanction Russia by
population. And Ukraine is only on its feet because the US supplied it
with weapons. So those guys are duking it out, right? And the US lost
whether, like, exactly what, terms, TBD, right? I’m not saying there’s a
like. Certainly, it was a disastrous war. Putin shouldn’t have done it.
Millions of people were displaced, all kinds of people dead for a few
miles in Ukraine, disaster. But the US probably like is just negotiating
the terms of how it’s going to surrender, right? And that’s a defeat for
NATO. And that’s like Putin will probably plant his flag and say, Cold
War avenged, you know, I win or whatever. And what it also shows is that
all of NATO combined couldn’t beat Russia, with China supplying Russia
just a little bit, so obviously they can’t beat China, right? Yeah,
yeah, right. Then B is like the Houthis, and Iran is funding the
Houthis, and China is allied with Iran, so China’s proxies, proxy is
just blockaded. The Red Sea for 18 months, whose military has gotten
defeated there. See, you have HEG Seth talking about how China’s
hypersonics that can sink every aircraft
Speaker 1 1:02:10
carrier. Our whole power projection platform is aircraft carriers and
the ability to project power that way strategically around the globe.
And yeah, we have a nuclear triad and all of that, but a big part of it.
And if you know, 15 hypersonic missiles can take out our 10 aircraft
carriers in the first 20 minutes of a conflict, what does that
Balaji Srinivasan 1:02:26
look like? You have the Raytheon CEO saying you can’t decouple from
China. So
Speaker 2 1:02:31
while we talk about pulling supply chain out of China, resourcing out of
China, I would tell you it’s very impractical. We’ve been de risking for
a couple of years making sure that we have second sources for critical
componentry. But unlike Russia, where we pulled out two weeks after the
invasion last year, we shut down our factories, we pulled our people
out, and we completely cut off any contact with our Russian customers.
You can’t do that with China, too big, too important and too necessary.
You have the secretary
Balaji Srinivasan 1:03:00
of Navy saying that one Chinese shipyard is more, you know, ships than
all of our shipyards combined. They have 13 shipyards. In some cases,
their shipyard has more capacity. One shipyard has more capacity than
all of our shipyards combined. You have all this kind of stuff, which,
you know, I mentioned it. You also have this graph, which shows the US
military is made in China, right? So all this stuff, I repeat it. But do
you know I’m talking about,
Claire Lehmann 1:03:22
have you seen that graph? No, no. It doesn’t surprise me at all. But
yeah, yeah, yeah. Like
Balaji Srinivasan 1:03:26
the Tomahawk missile, if you go to the vendors, vendor, it’s made in
China, like hundreds of Chinese vendors, right? So, so you add all that
up, and the US military just doesn’t exist in the same way, right? And
so, like, what is Australia buying? I don’t even get it. And, you know,
it’s, it’s something where, I think people in Australia sort of, now it
might be like a rubber band snap, right? Like Vietnam, Malaysia and so
on, are all go ahead. I think that’s going to be bad in its own way. And
I’ll come back to
Claire Lehmann 1:03:51
that. Go ahead. Yeah. I mean, the, I think up until quite recently, up
until quite recently, people were feeling good about our alliance with
the United States, but just since the escalation, I think, since the
meeting in the Oval Office with Zelensky and then followed by the
tariffs, like if you turn on the local news, you have independent
politicians, politicians on both sides of the aisle saying we need to,
we need to sit down and think about our long term defense strategy. We
need to reassess. We need to, I think there’s just greater awareness
that I think orcas is going, definitely going to be back on the table
after the next election. I think what’s called social license won’t be
there. The population of Australia is going to be skeptical. You know,
our economy is based on selling stuff to China. I think Australians just
don’t want to be bullied like we don’t. We don’t want to become a vassal
state of China. We don’t want, we want to keep, keep our. Our way of
life and our freedoms. At the same time, we’ve seen how Trump has tried
to shake down Ukraine for their minerals, and we’re thinking, Well, how
is that not going to happen to us? Like you know, our our country is
full of all of this, all of the all of this valuable natural resources
are we just going to end up being a protectorate, or do we want to? I
mean, China has, China has bullied us a little bit, but they haven’t,
you know, they’re not completely shaking us down.
Balaji Srinivasan 1:05:33
So, yeah, so here’s my view on what’s going to happen. So first is, I
very much disagree with policy like basically, I think people got more
woke than they expected, and now they’re getting more Maga than they
expected, and then they’re going to get more China than they
Claire Lehmann 1:05:46
expected, right? Okay, inside the United States, no,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:05:51
I mean, like every Oh NS us, yeah, exactly like China will probably play
nice for a few years to scoop up the whole world into the Greater East
Asia co prosperity sphere, version 2.0 because they’re doing all these
trade deals with all these countries, and it’s all they’re
recentralizing As a global logistics hub. They’re saying lots of nice
things. And the thing is, what the US did is they attacked every country
at once, and they said, Oh, it’s about China. And that’s like a gang
member shooting into a crowd, wounding everybody, and saying, I’m just
trying to get that guy on their side. Help me get him or right? Do you
think
Claire Lehmann 1:06:24
they do? You think they did that to to pretend that it wasn’t about
China or just retail,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:06:32
it’s and I know where it comes from, though it actually relates. Okay,
so here’s, here’s what it boils down to, for all their talk about the
friend enemy distinction, like the Carl Schmitt thing, or as Lennon puts
it, who, whom, right? Or as Bush would put it with us or against us,
right? For all their talk about that, mag actually implements the friend
enemy distinction, wrong. You know why I say that? Because they think
it’s like they think it’s like American, non American. And the problem
is that there’s many Americans who are not their friend, like Elizabeth
Warren, and there’s many non Americans who are not their enemy, like
buchaly or Pierre, Paul ofrey or Nigel Farage, really not their enemy,
right? Maybe they don’t agree with them on everything, but they’re
basically conservatives or libertarians or whatever abroad. And then, of
course, there’s billions of people who are basically neutrals, right,
who are essentially neither friend or enemy, but just neutral trade
partners. Citizens of other countries, like most Vietnamese, basically,
don’t really care that much or what have you, but they do care about the
trade. They’re making hats, and suddenly that that gets sent to zero. So
what happened was the Trump admin and basically Americans in general,
think only America exists. So because they had been fighting, fighting,
fighting. The Democrats see they couldn’t align around race, right?
Because that’s very taboo. So they couldn’t say Trump is for white
people or what have you. And he’s not, because actually he’s for
Americans. But the problem is, America, there’s at least two Americas.
There’s red America and blue America. And so in the same way, the
Democrats didn’t want to say we’re for Democrat rule, they said we’re
for democracy. The Republicans didn’t say we’re for red American rule.
They said we’re for America. So the Democrats would conflate democracy
itself with Democrat rule, and the Republicans would conflate American
with red American. And both would forget. Democrats were shocked that
they would lose 50% of a democratic vote, and the Republicans are
stunned that 50% of Americans aren’t real Americans. Yeah, right. So
that’s one fundamental thing. Where they’re, they’re in an identity
crisis, where the thing they think is one is actually two, and it’s like
their enemy is included in the set, the red Americans, Republicans are
included in democracy, and the blue Americans are included in the
definition American. So they’re, they’re like, messed up number one. And
that’s actually very deep, because since they can’t draw the boundary
and say who they are and who they are not, they, for example, they can’t
secure territory, right? Why is the Luigi left shooting CEOs? Why are
Tesla things getting firebombed? Because those people actually consider
Republicans enemies, right? Or CEOs enemies, or whatever. And normally
you’d have like, a North Korea, South Korea, like boundary and friends
would be on one side, and aren’t just like random murders on that side,
a murder would be considered a big deal blowing up something. So the
problem is, red and blue are mixed up like this, but they consider
themselves enemies, like the Balkans right now. Okay, now you go one
step further. Now, what somebody and again, I’m saying sympathetically
from the red perspective, they’re in like, Maui, or they’re in North
Carolina, there’s some giant natural disaster. It tears through the
town. They get like a $700 check, and they’re seeing 100 billion for
Ukraine. So now they think, oh, all the foreigners are ripping us off.
And I understand why they think that, right? But what actually happened
was the people in charge of empire were arguably either ripping off or
taxing the rest of the world, and they weren’t giving it to red
Americans in the cut that red Americans were used to, right? So the red
Americans see their cut falling correctly, and then they think the
foreigners are ripping them off. But really, the blue Americans were
arguably ripping off the foreigners too. So now we have is this very
short sighted thing where, oh, you get like, 10% less on tariffs with
some. Country. Great. They exported, what, 50 million a year. You save
$5 million but they destroyed 33, $30 trillion in market cap and all the
trade relationships with the US and the financial relationships with the
US dollar. So they gave up, like, 1,000x 1,000,000x to make 1x it’s like
the most crazy numerical deal ever. Let me pause there. Go ahead.
Claire Lehmann 1:10:18
Well, I don’t, I don’t see a way out of this, this economic situation in
the US, unless, you know, I see someone like Bernie Sanders or AOC
coming along and saying that we’ve got to tax everyone more. We’ve got
to tax the upper quintile, you know, 50% more, or whatever it is like. I
just don’t see any way out of the you know, when you look at the debt to
GDP ratio, how is that? How is that going to be dealt with in any other
way?
Balaji Srinivasan 1:10:50
Well, it’s so here’s the issue is I do well, first of all, I don’t think
it will be dealt with. I think there’s going to be enormous inflation
that just the US. Fundamentally, Hyperinflation is when, like, a
government just finally defaults on everything every you know, just like
it’s defaulted on its security contracts, and you know, its security
treaties and its trade treaties. The last step is the dollar itself,
right? And the dollar really is a menu for the global financial system
that the US used to run, or still arguably runs, but not for long. Go
ahead,
Claire Lehmann 1:11:18
yeah. Well, what I mean, what Trump is seems to be doing is accelerating
to that point, right?
Balaji Srinivasan 1:11:24
Yes. And part of the issue is also, you’re done any physics, you know,
force diagrams in physics,
Claire Lehmann 1:11:29
not smart enough to have done physics. Okay,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:11:32
you’re very smart. You’re very smart, basically. So, okay, so in
physics, like, let me try and give a good example, like, take, let’s say
a helicopter or something like that. There’s a force pointing down,
which is the force of gravity. There’s also clearly some force, force
pointing up, because otherwise it wouldn’t be remaining in mid air,
right? That’s like balance of forces, and you can calculate from any ns.
More than just those two. There’s other kinds of forces, like tail
rotors and other stuff, okay, but for any kind of big object, you take
the balance of forces on it and you figure out where it’s going to where
it’s going to go. And sometimes, when you actually write out every
force, it moves in a more complicated and surprising thing than you
would have guessed by default. So let’s say we apply that to the world,
right? So what are the four forces? And there’s a very this is what I
realized in November, and it’s playing out kind of how I expected after
November 2024 so red America wanted to take down the deep state, but
blue America wants to oppose the Trump administration. And tech America
opposes the regulatory state, and China opposes the American state. So
all four forces are pointed down on American empire, right? That is,
that is very unusual, where basically the red, the blue, the gray and
the Chinese are all pointed down. Now, when all the forces are pointed
down, there’s nothing pointed up. The only thing that kind of maintains
the system in its current position is its like initial position. And it
can move much faster than you might think, because, at best, red
Americans are conflicted about Empire, and sometimes they like the
power. Basically, they want to be somebody said this, and I think this
is good. They want to be the man of the house without the
responsibility, right? They
Claire Lehmann 1:13:13
watch Top Top Gun, but not, not pay for it,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:13:17
yeah? Or it’s, like, it’s they also have a kind of a misunderstanding of
where power is, like, if it was adamantium under the Appalachians, you
know, if there’s some, like, mineral that was actually in physical
America, that’s what made them, you know, super Maga, fine. But that’s
not what it is. It’s that there’s only 77 million Trump voters, and
there’s more than a billion people, if you add up, America, Canada,
Australia, New Zealand, UK, Europe, Japan, South Korea. That’s what
Putin calls, like, roughly the golden billion, right? Here’s the
problem. The problem is we’re then going to get way more China than
anybody wanted. Because think about how the USSR was bad and it fell,
and the USA was basically the good guy up until 1991 and then when it
was unopposed and it was a hyper power, it actually, by quickly became
the bad guy, right? Yeah, yeah. So I have a few predictions as to what
will happen. The first is, China will act good for a while, and then it
it’s China. So, you know, like nothing can push back on it now, right?
Like a truly unopposed China, with its drone Armada, with, like, the
head of steam, it’s got will be very, very, very, very powerful. And I
think there’s actually only one thing that and people, it’s both obvious
and non obvious. There’s only one thing with the economic scale to
oppose or balance. Let’s say, doesn’t have to be necessarily
adversarial, but it should be balanced. There’s only one thing with the
economic scale to balance China. And you know what I think that is the
Internet. The Internet Exactly. And everybody will say, Oh, come on,
Balaji, it doesn’t have hard power. You don’t understand hard power. The
internet doesn’t exist. It’s just metaphysical or whatever. I’m like,
okay, good cash flow. It’s got cash flow. But actually, here’s one way I
put it. It’s like, Christianity. It’s not a place. But there are
Christian places, yeah, right. There’s lots of countries. With the cross
and the flag. There’s like Brazil, it’s got, you know, Christ the
Redeemer. There’s lots of Christian countries. So it’s an idea, but it
can also claim territory, right? And certainly, yeah, the internet
is
Claire Lehmann 1:15:10
thinking about the the monasteries in Ireland after the collapse of the
Roman Empire, right? That’s where literacy survived for, I don’t know
how many generations. But, you know, the monks in Ireland kept producing
their Tran, you know, that kept producing their manuscripts of of the of
Christian texts for, you know, throughout the Dark Ages,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:15:34
that’s right. And so, like the monasteries, the cathedrals, the
countries, right? Like a good, like an important enough idea does
actually script things in the physical world, right? Yeah, exactly as
you’re saying. And so the internet will if, when American empire ends as
sending its two heirs are China and the internet. And China inherits the
military and the manufacturing and all the basically a lot of the
treaties, the markets, right? And the internet inherits the people, the
language of English, and the values, I think, because, you know, the
Constitution doesn’t scale beyond America, but bitcoin does. It’s like,
you know, common law, common law was was only among the British the
Constitution is among the Americans. But the smart contract, Bitcoin,
cryptocurrency and what the internet represents like a peer to peer
network. You and I are equals on the internet, on the global Internet,
everybody’s an equal. We have the same monetary policy, property rights,
smart contract law. You know, basically it’s like the same rules based
order becomes a code based order. So that’s like the successor to what
America was staring us in our face. And we’re going to need that because
an unopposed, unbalanced China, it’s actually bad even for the Chinese
people. Just like, like the hyper power America after 1991 actually
ended up, as many Americans will say, bad for Americans, right? Like,
they’re now regretting that a completely unbalanced China would be bad
for even Chinese people. And actually, you know, it’s funny, Chinese
people, I don’t think they respect American strength, but they do
respect the internet, because Chinese people hold Bitcoin check. Hold
Bitcoin, Chinese people want VP NS to access the global Internet.
Chinese people respect AI. Chinese people use Anglophone software,
right? They wouldn’t be able to manage without all of that, that would
actually be something. They’re not autarkic on the digital world. They
are a target on the I mean, they’re partially autark in digital world.
You can argue the Chinese internet exists, but at least they have
significant gains from trade with the outside internet world. They don’t
really have it with the physical world to the same extent. They’re much
more autarkic in the physical world. Let me pause there
Claire Lehmann 1:17:29
and get your thoughts. No, I think it’s a compelling thesis. I’m just
wondering what happens during this process, like what and what happens
to us in the physical world, in real life, do we keep our standard of
living, or do we have to start stashing stuff away?
Balaji Srinivasan 1:17:46
Here’s my view, and I may be wrong, but this is my view. My view is, the
more if the successors to American empire are China and the Internet,
then the more leverage you are on either China or the internet or both,
the better off you are. And if you’re both extremely anti China and
extremely anti internet, then you’re screwed. So if you are like, for
example, a fair number of Americans are working themselves into like an
anti tech Luddite posture, and of course, they’re going to be very mad
at China. Those people are in very big trouble, because they’re going to
lose physical prosperity if China sanctions or trade wars them right,
and they’re not going to have digital prosperity either. They’re not
going to have crypto they’re not going to have to have this, and aren’t
going to have that. So you’re going to be super angry, extremely,
extremely angry. That’s like, those are people I think we’re gonna have
the worst outcome. And one way of thinking about it is that history of
running in reverse, like the people who sort of had the worst fall from
grace. How come, in the 20th century, arguably the Chinese which went
from the Qing Dynasty to the what they call the century of humiliation,
and people don’t understand what a degree of regression that was to go
from like, essentially a fairly civilized country to like backyard blast
furnaces and like eating grass to survive under Mao and then dying in
fam like that was a terrible outcome, obviously, for them, but it was a
regression. They weren’t always primitive. That’s what people don’t get.
The Russians weren’t always primitive, right? Yeah. So I think America
past, probably Canada. May, you know, are going to have the worst of it,
right? I think, I think Western Europe will be the second worst off.
They’re going to take a massive hit because of how many assets they have
that are American, how much dependence they have on the US for security.
They basically be in American colonies. And you know what their outcome
is. I don’t know with the with the absence of America, some of those
countries will go nationalist, but the absence of America, someone will
go towards China, will go communist. And I can’t tell what the outcome
will be. It might be varied on the continent, but they at least do have
better public infrastructure, arguably better demographics, in some
ways, than the US. And so I think they’ll be less badly off. I think
Eastern Europe will be better off still than Western Europe. I think
Russia will actually be better off, you know, because the winner of a
war gets, like a boost of energy and so on and so forth and and so a lot
of people in Eastern Europe, if and when Russia wins leadership. Will
change that people will be basically accept Russia as one, and it’ll be
a shift in attitude. I think, not say that’s good. I’m just saying,
like, just just how, the way the cookie crumbles, I’m actually very
sympathetic to where the Estonians and the Balts are on this, you know,
because they just got conquered by Russia and they just got free. But,
you know, now the old boss is back. Maybe, who knows? I actually think
Dubai, Saudi Arabia, have a potentially very good century ahead of them.
I think Iran. Let’s see what happens. Maybe there’s going to be a giant
war. World is volatile. Lots of stuff is just, you know, as a now cast,
it might look stupid in a few years. Maybe not. I don’t know. Iran is
like, if they’re just allowed to trade with the world, that could be
like the next Vietnam, because in the sense of, they have a lot of
really smart people, lot of Persians in, you know, the US that did
really well. Again, they’re not like a primitive, you know, people or
anything like that. They have a long history, the Zoroastrians, all this
stuff going back. So I think, like in a Chinese world, Iran might
actually do way better, much better than we might think. I think China’s
gonna have the best century, probably because they’re just, they’re like
Apple, right? Vertically integrated, you know, the Han Chinese nation,
the CCP party state and the Chinese network, the Great Firewall, the
apps, in many ways, a great firewall, I think, will be seen for all its
faults as actually people frame it in terms of free speech, but
generally, I think they’re going to frame it
Claire Lehmann 1:21:18
in terms of, well, predicting protecting themselves from mind viruses
and so on,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:21:23
digital borders, yeah, yeah, right. So if it’s, if it’s digital borders,
yeah, well, it’s quarantine, but it’s also like, stop a drone from being
controlled within China, right? Stop a robot. Once you have robots, it’s
no longer speech, that speech can probabilistically script a human to
action, but code can deterministically script it to action, so it’s less
deniable, right? If malware crosses your digital border and it can open
up a drone or a robot, it can do terrorism, right, so that alone will
justify something like the Great Firewall around every large enough
civilizational sphere. Like, have you heard the saying The internet is
an untrusted network? Well, basically, that’s what it sounds like. It’s
like any packet anybody, right? So I think what you get is almost the
equivalent of civilizational intranets, potentially.
Claire Lehmann 1:22:11
Well, it’s walls, and that’s like an very old school definition of
civilization. Yes, put up walls around your city
Balaji Srinivasan 1:22:19
and you define what it is. Yeah, that’s right variance. Yeah, exactly.
And it might turn out that physical goods move across borders more than
ideas do. And like, there’s more of a digital, you know, digital borders
than we might think. Digital borders correspond to civilizational
borders. I think that’s going to be more, more of a thing. I think India
is actually going to do probably fairly well and and the reason I say
that is it’s just my sense of where civilization is. Like, for example,
it’s a distant number two, but India’s number two on steel, after China.
It’s
Claire Lehmann 1:22:49
a distance, so much human capital,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:22:52
yes. So the thing is, I don’t want to feel like the way I usually say it
is. I’m moderately bullish on India, extremely bullish on Indians. Yeah,
yeah. Because China is a state, India is a network. Yeah, right, but,
but India has managed to do a lot well over the last 20 years. And
whenever I go there, I’m like, stunned by how good it is and how much
it’s improved. So I think India is like, you know, they’re saying India
disappoints both the optimists and the pessimists. Okay, so I think on
balance, just being a big, stable quote, democracy. I think it’s it just
like, sort of, it’s a funny way to put it, but, you know, China was like
the second rate communism, to Russia or to Soviet Union for a long time,
and then became right. I think India is like the second version of
democracy. And then, after all, the Western European countries and the
US face plant, in terms of this, it’ll be like the world’s leading
democracy, because lots of things will kind of say, oh, communism was
right, or they’ll go all the way to Bitcoin maximalism. So my, my, my
basic view is, the more physically, socially, financially, militarily,
culturally dependent you are on the USA, the worse off you’ll be okay,
and the more you’re into China, more your economy and your people and so
on, have some connection to China or the internet. It’s kind of like the
US and the USSR were the big two survivors of like, you know, right? So
China and internet, I think, are the big two. Now I want to ask, okay,
so I, in our last few minutes, I want to discuss network school and what
we’re doing here, right?
Claire Lehmann 1:24:20
Okay, so your school is not, is it in Singapore or close to Singapore?
Good
Balaji Srinivasan 1:24:26
question. It is right next door to Singapore. It’s in it’s in the
Singapore Johor Special Economic Zone, which is in Malaysia. But you
know, the vast majority of people like basically, will fly in through
Singapore, and they’ll travel across the bridge there, because they know
Singapore on the Global Map.
Claire Lehmann 1:24:45
Yeah, and you’re offering, I say kids, but you’re offering people a
grant to come and study with you, a scholarship. That’s correct.
Balaji Srinivasan 1:24:55
Yes, that’s right. So we have $100,000 fellowship for a. Um, for
creators, for founders. So anybody from Colette who’s watching this, who
thinks they could be an AI first filmmaker or a comic book creator or
something like that, some kind of creative, who’s AI first. And when I
say AI first, by the way, I don’t mean AI slop, right? I mean, yeah,
like, yeah, so it’s very important. It’s like, it’s Go ahead. We
have
Claire Lehmann 1:25:23
some fantastic people who work from us, who work, who work for us, for
from countries around the world. So we’ve got this fantastic video
editor based in Vietnam. We’ve got an amazing audio editor in Argentina.
So you know, the people who I hire for Colette who aren’t my core
editors, who have to edit the texts are dispersed all over the globe,
and what I find as an employer is that the talent is so you get such a
depth of talent in
Balaji Srinivasan 1:25:56
how do you hire for them? Upwork. Upwork. Really, yeah, interesting. So
you did, you basically have bounties, and they did them, and then you
hired them full time from that, yeah, yeah, interesting. I do that too.
I call it. The market is greater. Go ahead. Go ahead.
Claire Lehmann 1:26:12
Yeah, no, it’s just you can find so much talent outside, you know, I
find, I find so much talent outside of Australia, outside of the US,
outside of the UK. I mean, you need people locally to do some things,
but when it comes to creation, whether it’s video or audio, there’s an
there’s amazing pool of talented people out there who are very willing
to work and who are very reliable. So so you’re recruiting people who
aren’t just like stem people, but who are sort of, you know, creative as
well,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:26:47
absolutely. And in fact, actually, that’s right, and I’ll tell you why.
It’s because prompting is programming, yeah. And if, if you have a
vocabulary which, like art history is now in Applied Science. Yeah,
right, yeah, yeah, right. Because if you know your Cezanne and your
Picasso and your you know your Monet and Rembrandt and so on, you can
actually summon that style on demand, right? If you know architecture
and you can distinguish, I don’t know modernism from, you know, Jane
Jacobs and all this stuff, you know, I’m certainly no architect or art
historian, I know, like, just like the slice. So somebody who has that
vocabulary, like, you know, for example, there’s a whole filmmakers
vocabulary. There’s a whole that kind of person can direct the AI to do
the right thing. And so we’re definitely, I mean, one of the things I
really want to do is, I think you and I share this interest, but there’s
many stories of the 20th century that have not been told, like the story
of communism, or, you know, the story, like what happened in Poland,
like the even the story of Australia, or something, right? Yeah, I’d
love it for people from various cultures to be creators, screenwriters
for their culture, and then to sort of market that in their native
tongue. And it’s com, it’s, like, completely fresh, like, you know,
Hollywood in a rut, because it’s told 5000 stories where America is at
the center of the universe. What about one where Vietnamese people are
the center of the universe? What about one where Australian people are
or something like that? Right? So I’d love to see creators apply to
network school fellowship for that.
Claire Lehmann 1:28:13
That’s awesome. And And do people go and live at the network school?
Balaji Srinivasan 1:28:18
Yes. So here’s my one of my goals for this was we wanted to radically
reduce the cost of living for at least how I lived in San Francisco. I
was there because of tech, and I’d wake up and I’d work out and I’d work
and that was it. And it costs, like, some ridiculous sum of money per
month. And I was like, What am I? It’s like, insanely expensive, and
it’s like, unsafe, and there’s syringes, and, like, the gym was really
far, and, you know, like, coffee was super expensive. And it’s like, why
is this so expensive for what I’m doing, right? I’ve just all I needed
was, like a small community and, like a daily loop that was optimized.
And so now I’ve built that product. And so essentially, lots of
startups, basically for like, 18,000 per person per year. You can live
in network school, and you get everything. You have room, you have
breakfast, lunch, dinner, you have gym. 24/7 gym. You have fitness
classes, coworking, office, pods, blah, blah, blah, everything, right?
And so basically that takes your like, now your burn is 18k a year.
That’s with roommates. 36k solo, but that’s still way cheaper than West
Coast tech. We’ll want to bring it down further over time, but I think
that’s already pretty, pretty good. And if you have a decent remote work
job, you’re just now banking money because you know you’re you’re just
leveling up, right? And I think most people don’t even really understand
what their expenses are. They only know their rent. But the way to do it
is take your bank account statement over the last year or two years, and
ask if it is more than 1500 a month out. And it probably is, and if so,
you’ll probably save money at network school. I mean, that’s not the
only reason to do it. You should come for the kind of pro tech
community, but I think that’s, that’s, that’s one of the
Claire Lehmann 1:29:56
principles. You just mentioned that you worked in tech in San Francisco.
School, but you’re not from San Francisco originally.
Balaji Srinivasan 1:30:03
Yes, that’s right. I’m from, you know, parents are from India. Grew up
on on Long Island, that’s what we say back there, and moved out to
Stanford for my undergrad. And that’s why, basically, tech, for a while,
sort of forced you to work in SF. And now I almost want, I actually
think the alpha is being outside SF, outside Silicon Valley. It’s like,
so expensive there. It’s like, so consensus there. I’m not saying there
aren’t good things that happen there, but that’s why. Part of why
I’m
Claire Lehmann 1:30:29
doing network school, and you’re a very prolific angel investor. You’ve
invested in lots of fledgling companies, including orchid, and so you’ve
been a huge supporter of founders for a long time.
Balaji Srinivasan 1:30:43
Yes, that’s right, I have and, and, you know, what’s funny is I do that
basically as a hobby, like, because it’s just nice to frankly, I like
talking to those folks, to the founders and, you know, entrepreneurs and
what have you, because you always get a bounce. You always get a bounce,
you always learn something. And then, you know, I have, I have a little
money riding on them. So if they win, then I feel like, you know, it
makes a little more interesting, right? And it’s almost like a form of
socialization in a sense, right? And so I’ve got north of 500 probably
closing on 1000 you know, angel investments around the world. And it’s
like
Claire Lehmann 1:31:21
Y Combinator, but as a person,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:31:25
I guess, yeah, that’s right. I mean, I just try to fund people who are
classically liberal or pro freedom in a in a balanced way. I don’t know
my own vision of the good.
Claire Lehmann 1:31:37
Just one last question. You said that you think it’s beneficial to be
outside of Silicon Valley or outside of San Francisco. Do you think that
being outside of the US has given you a more detached, meta perspective
on the political situation? And do you think that you know because
there’s this whole thing of the tech right, sort of aligning with Maga?
Do you think that being geographically away like not in the United
States, has sort of allowed you to be a bit more circumspect.
Balaji Srinivasan 1:32:10
Yes, I think there’s sub to that. I, you know, I would even dispute the
term tech right, because I think it’s the tech center. It’s to the right
of the left and to the left the right because tech is tech is
fundamentally internationalist and capitalist. It wasn’t as woke as it
had memed itself into in the 2010s and it’s certainly not as mag as it
means itself into, because, right? And so the problem is that I think
we’re going to see the third configuration, like the 2010s was blue plus
tech against Red, and the 2020s was tech plus red against blue. I think
the 2030s is going to be blue plus red against tech. And it’s going to
be just like that will be the premise of it will be an anti tech
movement, and it’ll be potentially violent, especially because, do you
know Amy Chu is thinking about the market dominant minority concept?
Claire Lehmann 1:32:57
Um, no, but I I’m watching, I’m watching, um, Steve Bannon and sort of
agitating against Elon Musk, and I see him sort of like parroting some
of the same, same ideas and talking points as AOC. And I just see this
socialist,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:33:14
nationalist socialist, yes, exactly. That’s right. And I think, I think
that’s very predictable. And in fact, I actually saw this coming 10
years ago, more than 10 years or 12 years ago. So this is really this
key paragraph, okay, do you see this bit with Chu outlines? Right? So
first, what is a market dominant minority? Okay, market dominant
minority like, uh, she talks about it in terms of ethnic groups like the
Jews of Europe, the Indians of you know, Uganda, right, whites in South
Africa and so on and so forth, right, overseas Chinese. So basically, if
you have democracy and capitalism, and one group is winning at
capitalism and another group is much larger in democracy, there’s a
conflict, and the market dominant minority is somebody who or group that
is winning in the market, but losing the vote. So the backlash if they
become too public and too wealthy, the first is a backlash against
markets, targeting them, right? The second is a backlash against
democracy by force field marked on memory. The third is violence,
sometimes genocidal, direct against the market dominant minority itself.
So now her whole book is about race, racial groups that are market
dominant minorities. But most of violence in the 20th Century was not on
the basis of race. It was on the basis of race, it was on the basis of
class. Yeah, yeah. Cool. Tech is a class Yeah. And as any sociologist
will tell you, this is one of the few things they’re right about, race
and class co vary, right? And so Tech has a lot of Jewish people,
Chinese people, Indian people, my people, and migrants, immigrants, and
there’s various groups that say there’s too many white people, there’s
too many Jewish people, too many Indian people, too many Chinese people,
too many immigrants. And they’re different groups, but they’re
overlapping into like a resentful brew, right? Yeah, and and so the
first backlash is the one we already saw. This was the tech lash,
starting around 2013 where the the journalists, the media, were. Out of
tech, right? And that, then the second, I would not actually call it an
anti democratic backlash, because it was winning an election, but it is
how some people would, would call it, like the Elon Trump tech Alliance.
Is this second kind of thing, right, which is basically wealth, right,
pushing back, and we’re about to see, in my view, the third, yeah, yeah.
That’s, this is red and blue against tech. That is, that is, that is
basically pressage by people setting self driving cars on fire, yeah?
Um, in San Francisco, hammer attacks, Tesla fire bombings, shooting
CEOs. They’re just getting mad. Like, there’s crazy memes that are like,
calling for, like, an army of Luigis and so and so forth. That is
Claire Lehmann 1:35:42
just, yeah, I just can’t understand the sense of having Bezos,
Zuckerberg, Sundar pichaul, standing at Trump’s inauguration in a line,
okay, but that image, that picture, will be used by the socialists for
years and years and years to
Balaji Srinivasan 1:36:05
come. Well, here’s the problem. The flip side was used, basically,
remember, all of these guys were with Obama and they were donating to
Biden, right? Yeah. So, so the problem is that, literally, these, these
are people who just want, I know many of these guys, right? They’re
really not ideological radicals, yeah. Fundamentally, what they slash,
we want to do is have a lab where we can advance robotics and DNA
sequencing and aviation and so on and so forth. And, you know, they’re
too white for some people and they’re too non white for other people and
what have you. But it’s actually like a generally pretty good group of
people that’s kind of building a lot of wealth, right? Yeah, yeah. And,
and now they’re just going to be hated, because nobody wants people like
but the narrative will be aI takes all the jobs, crypto takes all the
money, and tech takes all the blame, so and
Claire Lehmann 1:36:55
and scapegoated for the for the mess caused by printing too much,
Balaji Srinivasan 1:37:00
correct? That’s right. And so the fact that we’ll have Bitcoin, Bitcoin
will moon, and it’ll be like those tech guys, they got all the money,
get them, and I wouldn’t be surprised to see some BLM, Hamas, J sixth,
Graper, Antifa, Luigi, kind of fusion, blocking roads, ideologically
hard to classify just kind of an Arctic, right, American anarchy, as I
think about it, and just like anti tech guys. So that’s, I know that
sounds bad, but actually, that’s why I think it’s important for people
to if, like, in a sense, what’s happening now is a good warning. It’s
like, don’t go to the US. Like, leave if you’re there, you know, go back
home where you came from. The signals are being sent. Don’t trade with
us. Don’t set up a business in the US. Don’t invest in the US. Like it’s
almost as if they’re doing everybody a favor by saying, back away. We’re
out of money. Stop trading with us. We’re out of guns. Don’t rely on our
military. Back away. It’s almost like jumping on the grenade before it
blows up. Yeah, and the full force of it, go ahead.
Claire Lehmann 1:38:05
No, I think, I think that’s, that’s a interesting way of describing
what’s going on. And it’s one of the less pessimistic, you know, it’s,
it’s an you’re at the acceptance stage.
Balaji Srinivasan 1:38:18
I’m at the acceptance stage. And, you know, one thing I will say is, I
think that, at least for a few years, it’s possible that the rest of the
world actually doesn’t do that badly. And the reason is, there’s all
kinds of crazy quantities of goods that are going to be exported from
China. They’re going to drop prices all around the world. So consumers
will actually have now, they’ll have other problems. Producers will go
bust, or whatever. Maybe there might be, you know, quote, anti dumping
laws China is to limit how much market share they get in a given
country, or something like that. But I think actually, a lot of prices
around the world may go down, even
Claire Lehmann 1:38:47
as you might have cheap EVs, you
Balaji Srinivasan 1:38:50
might have cheap EVs, there’s, there’s, there’s, potentially, like, it’s
really a question of how much in the way of us assets you have, and if
you have, I think Bitcoin, if you have, like, maybe physical gold, if
you have your currency, and local bank accounts, rather than US bank
accounts, if you don’t have US stocks, right? I think. And if you’re not
located in the US, I think you’ll probably be okay. The larger the
percentage of that is non US, which is totally, again, the opposite of
the 20th century. But that’s, that’s my view. Now, of course, I hope I’m
wrong. I hope there’s a miracle that happens, um, but I think I’m
right,
Claire Lehmann 1:39:31
and we and we can hedge. We can, sort of, you know, hedge a little
bit.
Balaji Srinivasan 1:39:36
Yes, you could read domicile also, without to figure out how to do that.
I think what happens is eventually it’s all on China, in China or on
chain. So it’s either Hong Kong soccer chains, or it’s on the internet
and so on and so forth. Okay, I have to jump
Claire Lehmann 1:39:50
Yeah, other interview, yes. And if there’s
Balaji Srinivasan 1:39:52
anything, any closing, closing words,
Claire Lehmann 1:39:55
well, thanks for having me on the pod. And, um. Is it lovely to chat
with you? Very stimulating as always. And I’m really in admiration of
the work you’re doing with the school. I think it’s a really positive
thing for humanity. So well done.
Balaji Srinivasan 1:40:12
I love Colette. It’s great. And thank you for doing that. And and
Claire Lehmann 1:40:16
you’ve got to come to Sydney and hang out. I you
Balaji Srinivasan 1:40:19
know what we should do that. We should do a we should do a meet up, and
we will see, see, see who comes by. All right, the Colette community
with the queue, okay, thank you. Bye.